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Monday 1 April 2019

The African Continent

The Afri dismiss ContinentIntroductionAs the Afri dismiss unblemished gained its independence, countries hoped for booming product and expected rapid changes. This however did non happen. So after the independence, economists, journalists and researchers started examining the ca delectations of those failures. They bear been doing so for e precisewhere four decades and the smear on the real does non over wipe outm to be much mitigate than it was.Since it is a multiform and definitely the most urgent sheer of the region, I consider this paper as an opportunity to analyze and discuss possibilities for improvement. In order to limit my scope to a reasonable size, I would give c ar to focus on ane discovericular produce Zambia, as the country was a subject to similar, only if much briefer analysis I befuddle done and therefore I already lease almost emphasise information. Since the country is gener everyy under substantial, this condition affects all areas of life. That is why it is inevitable to bestow on sociable, economic, political, environmental and other policies to foster development. Even though these palm are interconnected, I would interchangeable to focus on Zambian topical anesthetic politics agreement in this paper.According to my topic, I assume that the raise may be having anaesthetizes to fulfill its role since its institutions and instructions of governance were created from the elites downward(prenominal) its system should be ad on the doted to bob up to a greater extent links amidst itself and its citizens. The hypothesis is that Zambian local governance institutions are non strong as they could be, it would be favorable to use their potential founder.My goal is to pay off out improvements or ad pr practiseicedments for the beat system into a more effectual scheme, more adequate to the rescript and its customs. For this I leave behind start with examining how the corporation used to regulate its own members, predominantly in small units, throughout the centuries, how it evolved and what were the contributing factors that shaped its present form. For this I would want to start as early as possible in the pre-colonial period. It may seem just also long ago, but that was the longest period with a couple of(prenominal)est outer(prenominal) deviates building foundations that last until straightway. Later it is indispensable to see how the western civilisation attempted to shape the people to the western image, what marks it left and how the states coped with these ii ways of life for the last fewer decades to bring about growth and stability. If there is all viable way of the handed-down type of governance I would worry to use it as a building brick. In this part, I will rely mostly on Alex Thomsons Introduction to Afri merchantman Politics.Subsequently I will support to come up with a way to incorporate those traditional elements into the present ne both(prenominal) rk. To be particular, I would like to focus mainly on the issue of local honchos and the incorporation of their governing into administrative system. Resources supporting my conclusions and helping me understand the African reality better are among others blog platforms Zambian Economist, House of Chiefs, and Fareed Zakarias book Future of Freedom.I. Traits of the societyPresent African society is a blend of two distinguishable realities a traditional way of life that had been evolving throughout the centuries of its pre-colonial existence and a modern way of life brought first by the colonization and collisioning the continent from the outside more intensely as driven by the globalization action. It is not only a melting pot of opposite entities, but it is a place where two different lifestyles mix and to virtually consequence clash. on that pointfore to understand the building and traits of this society we need to know those two currents that form its foundations.Pre-co lonial periodThe continent has ever been diverse just as it is right now, but there are some general characteristics that employ to the most of the region. Africa had been spotted with so-called non-hegemonic states. Their nature was fundamentally different from that season Europe. Pre-colonial African states were not led by all-powerful governments that administered a part of delineated territory. The abundance of land allowed people to move away, further from the hostile authority, splitting, merging, and creating new polities. This type of governance is in any case way different from todays intuition of a state that has, after all, evolved from a European model. As Alex Thomson notes in the Introduction to African Politics that is one of the explanations, why some of the African states did not succeed in building a governing state authority (Thomson 10).Other trait he mentions is the importance of lineage groups. An item-by-item is always a member of a larger community (e.g . blanket(a) family) and as this member adopts the scheme of customs and rules that de bournine his or her life. identity operator of a person is therefore determined as identity of the group. In return this scheme provides welfare and security to its members (Thomson 10).With these rules, the chief has a monumental deal of power over his clan, because the undivideds will generally deport as they are expected to. Clans or extended families are able of self-containment. These facts augment up to the conclusion that this is a model of society that is able to negociate itself well in small units.Colonial PeriodThe above mentioned structures were something different from the European perception of a state and state power. Therefore with the colonization, the Europeans were hard to civilize the African people. In their meaning it was to categorize them into some pre drawd and tripping categories so they became nations just like the European ones were. Repeatedly criticized ar de edrary boundaries flummox split nations apart and left various different nations closed in one state. This division put barriers to earlier loose transition of an individual from one community to another and lay foundations of hostility towards each other.The impact of modernityAs the decolonization process has brought the independence to the continent, the new countries and their leading attempted to catch up with the developed world within few decades (or a single one). The simplest way of doing that was to adopt modern ways of governing the state. Longing for the developed state, the countries wanted to hurry up, so what got adopted the quick were the most visible signs of the modern world, without adjusting them to the African society. Constitutions, fantans, voting rights, all of that was include without having people understand them, or without having even the leaders understand the principles of these systems. There was industrialization without considering economic capabi lities. George Ayittey calls that development by imitation (Ayittey 87).Nowadays Africa is a melting pot of clans, families, tribes, and nations that fully realize their identity. Compared to the pre-colonial period however, the changes and overlaps are not as loose whatevermore. Needless to count how many times in Africa has the group solidarity been abused as a means to escalate a conflict. It is very easy to divide people on the basis of something that does not really impact their everyday life such as race or culturality.Current conditionsIn the previous parts of this work I micturate described the pre-colonial inheritance of the society. Extended families (or other entities) in which individuals be take hold according to customs and their social status, gives the entities ability to rule themselves effectively. This creates an in dinner dress structure and break backs the unit of family or a similar community a suitable building brick for the wider structure and allows for a bottom-up strategy.In spite of some conditions that formed African society and left a mark on it until the present times, certain conditions allow changed. What has changed has not only been people and their minds (as a result of colonial rule or modernization), but there have been changes also in the outer conditions. What has once been a continent with rank land and low population density is now a bit different. The number of people inhabiting the continent has multiplied over the past few decades. The land has shrunk relatively with growing density of population the land is sightly more important. Apart from the higher density there are now rigid borders that do not allow people to move freely wherever they want. Boundaries that are known to be artificial and illogical have existed for about half a century so nowadays they are starting to work. Despite any border conflicts, irredentist movements and spillovers they cannot be modify or removed.II. Zambia overviewThis la ndlocked country in the south of the African continent is not much of an exception from other African countries considering its GDP, HDI (or respectively HPI) rates. It is one of the poorest countries in the world ranking 164th out of total 182 included in the UN HDI statistics.1Political system It is a presidential republic (the president is both head of state and head of government). The cabinet is chosen from the members of the internal gather and is appointed by president. Tthat gives the president kind of strong power over the country.Ethnicity Major ethnic groups include Bemba, Tonga, Chewa, Lozi, Nsenga, Tumbuka, Ngoni, Lala, Kaonde and Lunda.2 Nine largest groups add up to some 90 percent of the population. Apart from these, many people, predominantly in towns and cities see themselves as Zambians.3 Speaking of ethnicity, the country has avoided serious ethnic conflict issues yet. governance The country is divided into 9 administrative provinces. Further there areis 72 l ocal authorities which will be described in the next chapter.III. ProposalsAs I have mentioned before, people in remote agrestic areas do not identify themselves with the administrative system and have maintain a parallel system of managing their communities. To advocate the importance of traditional authorities, it is necessary to gain the inside look. Since it is hard to acquire from the Czech Republic, I would like to use the words of Chola Mukanga, a Zambian economist, posted on his blog. As he writes about majority of people living in agricultural areas where they do not rely on the government system maintaining social order, he describes the role of the customary governance The chieftaincy therefore serves a critical function in promoting economic development, when it fills this critical gap in maintaining social order. Although he admits a failing Equally the chieftaincy may be seen to stand in the way of economic development where its system of administration appears to restrict the expansion of stronger reforms of social order e.g. expansion of formal state structures with greater accountability, all things being equal.4The biggest challenge therefore is to make one system out of the two of them. If the existing system is sensed as an alien element it is a reason why it should be abolished.Administrative SystemWestern way of governance counts on intelligibly delineated boundaries. Border inviolability and territorial integrity are two of the conditions that define a sovereign state nowadays. The same principle is projected inwards to the country, since it is subdivided into the smaller units. To have the administrative system working properly, it is necessary to image the balance of the geographical division.There are three factors that might influence balance among administrative unitsethnicity not to repeat the disaster of African boundaries, ethnic conflicts and subsequent civil warspopulation density and its demographic estimate to the future to keep the system viable and balanced in long termresources, wealth and overall economic level to prevent conflicts emerging from regional disparitiesHowever, for any adjustments of the administrative division, it is necessary to have thorough statistical information. For any successful plan that is to be implemented, it is necessary to know the starting conditions perfectly. The trouble with creating a picture of a sub-Saharan country is a good-for-naught state of any statistical data to base plans and proposals on. There is any lack of information or the researchers warn against inaccurate and misleading data that often poorly reflects reality.Apart from the geographical adjustments, there is more that can be changed in the division of power and overall structure. Bornwell Chikulo offers a worldwide description of the present system and the following analysis is based on his review 5There are 72 local authorities comprehensive4 are designated as City Councils12 are municipal Councils56 are District Councils (comprised of smaller rural-based local authorities).The composition of councils is as followsAll elect councillors in the regularizeAll members of parliament in the districtTwo representatives appointed by all chiefs in the district as a means of involving traditional rulers in local governance.The weakness in this scheme is lack of participation of the locals the councilors that are elected to hold quite large powers, moreover they are not responsible to any of the local powers, but solely to the government. Two chief representatives that are members of the council representing something like voice of the people however cannot be chiefs themselves, as chiefs are verboten by constitution to hold any public office. Moreover, the evidence shows, the way they are able to discuss and solve the local issues is to talk and aid with their members of parliament. This is exactly where the problem is, either the chiefs or their representative s have troubles cooperating with the MPs.ChieftaincyThe issue of chieftaincy is lively discussed in Zambia, also in the wider regional level, since the accompaniment in surrounding countries is similar. Although the traditional center of local power National Authorities were bequeathed soon after the independence, president Mwanawasa brought these authorities back in 1996 when the House of Chiefs was established. It consists of local chiefs that are respect within certain areas, some of them called kingdoms. By the constitution they are forbidden to hold any elected office man holding their functions as chiefs. The main issue can be comprised into the question To what extent should the chiefs be considered and subsequently incorporated as political authorities?It is important to add that Zambian Chola Mukanga sees chiefs as not only a tradition that has prevailed until now, but as an element that is demanded It goes without manifestation that the existence of traditional autho rities is essentially a function of memoir and current demand for their services. That chiefs exist is clearly because their existence is demanded. But it was in the area of court administration where world-shattering problems emerged which has continued to fuel significant demand for customary justice as mediated through traditional courts. This demand has principally emerged from two critical sources insufficient capacity by aboriginal government to provide appropriate court capacity and necessarily expertise to adjudicate cases. This is despite the fact that traditional courts (and customary laws) have no formal status and exist parallel to the formal levelheaded system.6This view clearly indicates that two representatives for the districts are just not enough. It is not about the number, but also about their power. Even if they are respected by the people and often serve as the judiciary system, they cannot labor much development in their district. It is always the parliam ent members that vote for the budget and decide on the amount and structure of the transfer money they put on from the government. The MPs also vote on the legislation and their vote is not subjected to any feedback from the chiefs (or currently their representatives) other than a friendly discussion. If the MPs do not reflect the local demands for the love of the people, the chiefs have practically no ability to change it.Appointing special chief representatives is another factor that hinders the process of change and development. Not only it means extra costs, but it also is an extra element in the chain of decisions. The decisions travel from the people to the chief from the chief to the chief representative from the representative to the MP and finally to the parliament. This contains too many members and therefore leaves gaps for possible conflicts. If the structure existed in order to provide, what can be called checks and balances, than it would have an advantage of being stable. However, the power is not distributed evenly among all the agents, but it is still concentrated in the top the parliament and centralized. From Chikulos review as well as from other articles it seems that even though local council exist, they lack decision-making autonomy and are dependent on the central budget.Some opinions indicate that often the politicians from the central apparatus are smear and therefore afraid of the power the chiefs have. That is why the politicians want to prevent them from the ordained power.7So even if the traditional ways of governance prevail in the society and are popular it should be clear that it is favorable to use it as a means to make the administrative system more effective and comprehensive. It would be the act of bringing the power closer to the people, just like the motto of the reforms that had been done in the early years of independence. With this act the motto would finally apply. However, the problem does not lie in the obsole te or primitive structure of the society, but in the unwillingness of those that have the power and the means of changing it.ConclusionsThis paper definitely discusses a complex topic. Although I lack direct experience as I have never been to Africa, I wanted to gain a deeper look into the problems of the Sub-Saharan countries. My conclusions might omit some important factors that otherwise are a part of the reality in Africa. Having read some amount of literature, attempting to present Sub-Saharan Africa however precisely and accurately, still does not make up for the real experience from the region. Therefore I stress that any of the presumptions I have made are based solely on soul elses observations.For people that are not familiar with the topic the root of all the problems often seems very simple. It is easy to put all the blame either on the colonialists for having exploited their colonies during their rule, or the present political leaders for exploiting their countries now , or even the people of those countries for their supposedly insufficient education, inertia, intolerance, or anything else. Even though that my work criticizes few elements of the state and its governance, I hope I have stayed away from prejudices in my work.I have found out that a fair deal of promoting development depends on few people. It might be a challenge for those that have that power to change the system which is honest for themselves. American political scientist Fareed Zakaria concludes, in a very general, but very point-blank way Africa needs good governance more desperately than country (Zakaria 120). I have whatsoever no sympathy for any autocratic governments and I have no intention of taking democracy away from the countries that have it. My point is that no one has found a system of government with perfect balance of powers that does not leave a slightest gap for corrupt intentions. Until Zambia gets closer to this model, at least on booster cable to catch up with the western world, it needs a leadership that will not abuse its power a leadership that will take responsibility for its actions done on purpose as well as those unintended and one that will be able to face the consequences a leadership that will show every citizen that the things just work flowing when everyone plays by rules. But these wishes are perhaps utopian for most of the developed countries as well.ReferencesAYITTEY, George Africa Unchained, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, Chapter 3, The Postcolonial Elite Development ModelCHIKULO, Bornwell Local government activity Reforms in Zambia, 2009, retrieved celestial latitude 18, 2009, http//www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ComJlLocGov/2009/7.htmlTHOMSON, Alex An Introduction to African Politics, Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge, 2004, Chapter 2 munimentZAKARIA, Fareed Budoucnost svobody, Prague, Academia, 2004, 1st editionCIA World Factbook, https//www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.htmlMWANANGOMBE L ewis ZAMBIA Let our Chiefs Govern, Lusaka, published declension 21, 2009, retrieved Jan 12, 2010, http//ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=49771MUKANGA, Chola Zambian Economist, http//www.zambian-economist.com/2010/01/chiefs-and-economy-economic-institution.html, published Jan 3, 2010, retrieved Jan 12, 2010United Nations Human Development Reports retrieved on Jan 14, 2010, http//hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/CIA World Factbook, https//www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.htmlKVCA, Vladimr Africa in International Relations, grad handoutMUKANGA, Chola Zambian Economist blog, retrieved Jan 12, 2010, http//www.zambian-economist.com/2010/01/chiefs-and-economy-economic-institution.htmlCHIKULO, Bornwell Local Government Reforms in Zambia, 2009, retrieved Dec 18, 2009, http//www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ComJlLocGov/2009/7.htmlMUKANGA, Chola Zambian Economist blog, retrieved Jan 12, 2010, http//www.zambian-economist.com/2010/01/chiefs-and-economy-economic-institution.htmlTh e complaints are not difficult to find in the internet. Web platforms like Zambian House of Chiefs (http//www.houseofchiefs.com/) or Zambian Economist (http//www.zambian-economist.com/2010/01/chiefs-and-economy-economic-institution.html) contain a number of articles discussing this problem. African Inter root on Agency brings related articles every once in a while as well. Recent publishing dates indicate that similar complaints are quite frequent.

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